Author: tovissy

  • On principles and values

    On principles and values

    This is a placeholder post. It’s a slightly edited version of an AI generated essay. The essay was the response to a very specific prompt provided by me.

    The modern West rarely presents itself as merely one geopolitical bloc among many. It presents itself as a moral vocabulary: freedom, democracy, human rights, the rule of law, independent institutions, and a rules-based international order. These principles are invoked not only to describe domestic aspirations but also to justify diplomatic pressure, sanctions, military interventions, and the moral ranking of entire nations. Some of us would smile at this spectacle. Not because the principles themselves are contemptible, but because they are displayed with the confidence of a merchant advertising flawless wares while quietly exempting himself from the guarantees printed on the label. Diogenes wandered Athens with a lantern searching for an honest man; today he might need a search engine capable of filtering official press releases.

    Freedom is praised with liturgical devotion, provided it arrives wearing approved credentials. Citizens are assured that institutions deserve trust because they are transparent, while those same institutions often invoke secrecy, national security, or the fight against disinformation whenever scrutiny becomes uncomfortable. During the COVID-19 pandemic, governments frequently revised policies and public messaging as evidence changed, but communication was not always accompanied by equal transparency about uncertainty, trade-offs, or past mistakes. Debates over the origins of the virus, the effectiveness of particular mitigation measures, and the risks and benefits of vaccines became deeply politicized, with both genuine misinformation and legitimate scientific disagreements at times being treated as though they belonged to the same category, while the slogan “follow the science” was repeated with the certainty of dogma, as if science were a creed to obey rather than a method to test and revise. Such episodes did not merely erode confidence in individual decisions; they encouraged the suspicion that institutional credibility was expected to be accepted as an article of faith rather than continuously earned.

    The language of liberty fares no better. Individual rights are celebrated as universal until they collide with broader political priorities, at which point they become conditional privileges administered through emergency powers, financial pressure, or increasingly sophisticated mechanisms of digital moderation. Speech is defended as sacred until it becomes inconvenient; then it is reclassified as harmful, destabilizing, or foreign influence. Governments and technology companies have often justified content restrictions as necessary to combat disinformation, while critics argue that these measures sometimes suppress legitimate dissent or investigative reporting alongside demonstrably false claims. There are a few of us noticing the remarkable elasticity of principles: rights expand in speeches and contract in practice, always with the reassurance that this latest exception is temporary, exceptional, and entirely necessary.

    The same flexibility appears in foreign policy, where the phrase “rules-based order” often sounds less like a constitutional framework than a membership benefit. These rules are never clearly described and their application seems to depend on whether a country is inside the favored circle. Economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and moral condemnation are presented as principled responses to aggression or human rights abuses, yet observers frequently note that comparable actions by different states provoke markedly different reactions depending on strategic alliances, economic interests, or geopolitical utility. Russia has faced sweeping sanctions after its invasion of Ukraine, while debates continue over why responses to Israeli actions in Gaza have differed in scale and character despite serious violations of international humanitarian law. Entire countries may experience prolonged economic restrictions when they resist Western strategic preferences, while allied governments often receive greater diplomatic latitude. Mystery vanishes after a while: rules are not abolished; they simply discover that geography possesses an ethical dimension.

    Nothing reveals political morality more clearly than selective compassion. The deaths of journalists, civilians, or dissidents rightly provoke outrage, commemorations, and solemn declarations that attacks on the free press or innocent life are intolerable. Yet public attention and official rhetoric often vary dramatically according to the identity of the perpetrators and victims. The global solidarity expressed after the murders at Charlie Hebdo became an enduring symbol of press freedom, while the deaths of large numbers of journalists during the Gaza conflict have not generated an equivalent level of sustained political attention or symbolic mobilization among many Western governments. Likewise, sweeping cultural suspicion directed toward Russians after the invasion of Ukraine, or toward Iranians during periods of heightened tension has sometimes blurred the distinction between governments and ordinary people. Universal humanity, it appears, occasionally requires a passport check.

    Even democracy, the crown jewel of Western political identity, sometimes acquires curious procedural limits. Citizens are encouraged to participate enthusiastically in elections and referendums, but only within constitutional and political frameworks whose boundaries are carefully managed. History offers examples of referendum outcomes on European integration that were followed by renegotiation and subsequent votes, reflecting legal and political efforts to reconcile popular decisions with broader integration projects. Likewise, debates surrounding NATO enlargement have varied considerably across member states, with some accession decisions involving referendums while others proceeded through parliamentary processes. Defenders argue that representative democracy legitimately empowers elected legislatures to make such decisions; critics counter that governments sometimes avoid direct consultation when the outcome appears uncertain. In practice, representative democracy is often little more than a myth in many countries, where members of parliament are elected on partial party platforms or personal promises, and constituents are rarely consulted on new or unforeseen issues that were never part of the campaign. Even those platforms are seldom implemented as promised, since U-turns tend to follow almost immediately after the official announcement of the winning party. Diogenes would probably observe that democracy remains sovereign, provided it consistently agrees with its guardians.

    The deepest irony is not that Western governments fall short of their professed ideal, as every political order does when its policies meet reality. It is that the distance between proclamation and practice is so often obscured by an elaborate theater of moral certainty. Official statements continue to invoke freedom, equality, transparency, and universal rights as though repetition could substitute for consistency. Yet principles derive their authority precisely from being applied when they are politically inconvenient. When they become instruments selectively deployed against rivals while quietly suspended for friends, they cease to function as principles and begin to resemble diplomatic accessories. Those of us who question this irreconcilable contradiction do not reject liberty, democracy, or justice. We tend to reject their conversion into ceremonial ornaments, polished before every press conference and carefully stored away before every difficult decision. In that sense, the old philosopher’s lantern still burns, not because honest principles cannot exist, but because power has always preferred their reflection to their light.

  • Living with ever-liminality

    Living with ever-liminality

    This is a placeholder post. It’s a slightly edited version of an AI generated essay. The essay was the response to a very specific prompt provided by me.

    Sometimes I wonder whether some people ever truly arrive anywhere. In my early twenties I used to think that life was supposed to move in stages: you leave one place, settle in another, find your people, your profession, your opinions, and eventually become someone who belongs. Instead, I have spent much of my young life somewhere in between. It is not an unhappy place, but it is a strange one. After enough years, you stop thinking of the threshold as something you are crossing and begin to accept that it is where you live.

    Growing up in Eastern Europe already meant learning that belonging was never as simple as the maps suggested. My country had a majority, and I was not quite part of it. For many nationality and citizenship are interchangeable. Not for me. Later I moved west, where I became (or better: remained) simply another foreigner. I (try) to learn new languages, new customs, new ways of speaking and behaving. People often assume that speaking several languages means feeling at home in several cultures. In reality, it often means carrying different versions of yourself, each one slightly incomplete. Every language gives you something, but none of them tells the whole story.

    Education complicated things further. My parents worked hard with their hands, and I became the first in the family to continue studying beyond what anyone had imagined possible. That achievement is supposed to move a person into another social world, but life rarely works with such clean transitions. I never wanted the life my parents had, not because I looked down on it, but because I knew how physically demanding, and intellectually restrictive it could be. On the other hand, after a while I couldn’t align myself with people who seemed to treat education as a badge of identity or who built their lives around the quiet competitions of the middle classes. I have a postgraduate diploma, but I have never thought of myself as a “pure” intellectual. It has always felt like something I did rather than someone I became.

    The same feeling followed me into social life. When I was younger, I went to parties because that seemed to be what everyone did. People drank until they forgot the evening (I did it a few times as well), exchanged jokes that were funny mostly because they came at someone else’s expense, and insulted each other in the affectionate way that many groups call friendship. I laughed when it seemed appropriate, stayed until it seemed polite to leave, and went home with the unmistakable feeling that I had witnessed something rather than participated in it. Maybe there was nothing wrong with those people. I simply never understood why this was supposed to be the peak of social life.

    Politics has never offered much comfort either. In Western Europe, as in much of the world, people often begin by asking whether you are left or right, as though that single answer reveals the architecture of your mind. I have never found the question particularly interesting. Most real problems refuse to fit neatly into those categories, and most real people are too contradictory to live inside them consistently. The older I become, the more I suspect that ideological labels often serve the same purpose as football shirts: they tell everyone which side you are on before the conversation has even begun.

    Living between cultures has, however, taught me something valuable. Once you have seen the same custom regarded as perfectly normal in one country and completely absurd in another, you become suspicious of certainty. You notice how many beliefs are inherited rather than examined, how many traditions survive simply because nobody remembers asking why they exist. Moving from East to West did not replace one worldview with another. It simply multiplied the number of perspectives from which I could observe the same reality. That habit of navigating, not only between languages, but assumptions, has probably shaped me more than any degree ever could.

    There is a price for living like this. Belonging never arrives in the uncomplicated form you imagine when you are young. You build friendships, establish routines, contribute to the place where you live, yet some part of you always remains aware that you are looking at the room from a slightly different angle. You become accustomed to explaining references that others take for granted and to understanding jokes that you would never have invented yourself. Home gradually becomes less of a place on the map than a collection of memories, habits, and people scattered across countries.

    I no longer expect that feeling to disappear. Perhaps some lives are simply meant to unfold in the space between worlds. There are worse places to live. From the threshold you can see more than those who never leave the room they were born into, even if you sometimes envy the ease with which they belong. I have come to think that a meaningful life is not always about finding the perfect place to stand. Sometimes it is about learning to make peace with the fact that your home is the border itself.

  • Why do we fear intertwingularity?

    Why do we fear intertwingularity?

    This is a placeholder post. It’s a slightly edited version of an AI generated essay. The essay was the response to a very specific prompt provided by me.

    Intertwingularity is the idea that knowledge, ideas, people, and systems are deeply interconnected rather than existing as isolated units. Popularized by Ted Nelson in Computer Lib/Dream Machines and later explored by Peter Morville in Intertwingled, the concept challenges the traditional preference for neatly ordered categories and clear boundaries. While some readers might find this perspective liberating, others may resist it because it disrupts long-standing assumptions about certainty, control, and identity.

    Intertwingularity tends to undermine the comfort of simplicity. Human beings often seek straightforward explanations, placing ideas into discrete boxes that make the world feel predictable. Intertwingularity suggests that most problems and concepts overlap in complex ways, making definitive answers elusive. This complexity can feel overwhelming, especially in environments that reward quick decisions and unambiguous conclusions.

    Perceived loss of control leads to a quirky feeling of discomfort. Hierarchical structures – be it in the context of organizations, education, or information systems – provide a sense of order by defining clear relationships and authority. Intertwingularity, however, emphasizes networks of influence rather than linear chains of command. For individuals accustomed to rigid frameworks, this shift can create uncertainty about where responsibility begins and ends, making interconnected systems appear chaotic rather than empowering.

    Intertwingularity often challenges personal and cultural identities. People often define themselves through distinct affiliations, disciplines, or beliefs. Recognizing and accepting that these identities are interconnected with others may feel like a threat to individuality or tradition. Rather than reinforcing firm boundaries, intertwingularity highlights shared influences and mutual dependence, requiring people to become more comfortable with ambiguity and the coexistence of multiple perspectives.

    There are practical reasons for resistance as well. Institutions frequently rely on specialization, standardized processes, and compartmentalized knowledge. Schools separate subjects into distinct disciplines, businesses divide work into departments, and governments organize responsibilities into agencies. Although these structures are effective for many purposes, they can discourage thinking across boundaries. Embracing intertwingularity often requires collaboration, systems thinking, and a willingness to revise established methods, all of which demand additional effort and may challenge existing power structures.

    The digital age has made intertwingularity more visible but has also amplified anxieties about it. The internet connects ideas, communities, and information on an unprecedented scale, yet this abundance can produce information overload, misinformation, and difficulty distinguishing meaningful connections from superficial ones. For some, the sheer density of these networks reinforces the desire for simpler, more tightly controlled ways of organizing knowledge, even if those approaches overlook important relationships and emerging narratives.

    At the end, fear of intertwingularity is less about interconnectedness itself than about the uncertainty it introduces. Accepting that ideas, people, and systems are woven together requires intellectual humility and a willingness to navigate complexity without expecting perfect clarity. Yet it is precisely this interconnected view that can foster creativity, resilience, and deeper understanding. By recognizing that knowledge is not a collection of isolated fragments but an evolving web of relationships, intertwingularity invites us to engage with the world as it truly is: richly connected, dynamic, and continually unfolding.